Sunday, March 20, 2016

Me Gusta Trump: Portrait of a Hispanic Trump Voter


John Castillo grew up in Lincoln Heights, the heart of Hispanic Los Angeles, in a tight-knit Mexican-American family. His father’s name was Juan, but his mother decided to name their son John. He attended Cathedral High School, a Lasallian Catholic private school founded in 1925 in East Los Angeles, one of the country’s most populous Latino communities. The red-brick building, which sits on an old burial ground, overlooks downtown Los Angeles. The school’s current population is two-thirds Hispanic, and seventy per cent of its students receive financial aid. Castillo did, too: he had to sweep floors after class to help cover his tuition. Most of his friends were sons of immigrants. Many, he says, became “cholos,” joining local gangs at an early age. “A few of them are doing life in prison,” Castillo says, casually.
Juan, John’s father, was born in Tijuana and, in 1963, immigrated to the United States with his parents and his brother. He was barely five years old. The family moved to Los Angeles, where John’s grandfather, Manuel, who had been a miner in Mexico, worked as a gardener. John’s grandmother, Carmen, put in long hours as a seamstress at a sweatshop. John’s father grew up to work “odd jobs,” until he settled as a bus driver for the local transit authority. He married his high-school sweetheart, a Latina from Los Angeles.
After graduating from Cathedral, Castillo went to boot camp in San Diego: he joined the Marine Corps in 1996 and remained on active duty for five years, mostly working as a truck driver, carrying artillery. He served in Japan and Singapore, and left a few months before 9/11. He felt at home with the Marines. There were “un montón” (a bunch) of Hispanics, he says now: “perhaps more than half.” Castillo remembers the thrill of “loud, powerful, and motivating” weaponry. A tattoo on his right forearm reads “USMC.”
After the Marines, Castillo moved back to California and went to work for U.P.S. He’s now an inspector for an aerospace company. He was once a Democrat but is now a conservative and a Republican. The transition happened in the Marines. “The way they scream at you, it hardens you,” he says. “It makes you understand the importance of respecting the law.” He also thinks travel helped him get rid of a “naïve” point of view that he associates with liberal politics. He believes in the importance of the Second Amendment. At thirty-eight years old, Castillo speaks softly, wears wide-rimmed glasses, and has the build you’d expect from someone who once carried hundred-pound shells for a living but now sits inside a cubicle. When we last met, in Eagle Rock, in northeast Los Angeles, he seemed concerned about crime in the area. “If you were allowed to carry a concealed weapon here, you could protect yourself,” he says. His Twitter bio reads “devout Catholic” and “lifelong pro wrestling fan.” He’s also a fan of Spanish-language radio, and he retweets Pope Francis and the W.W.E. with equal enthusiasm. And he is also a passionate supporter of Donald Trump.
Fourteen per cent of Hispanic voters say they will “definitely support” the Republican candidate in November, and Castillo, who describes himself as an “American of Mexican descent, in that order,” is not an anomaly in his support for Trump. Although eighty per cent of Latino voters held an unfavorable opinion of Trump in a recent Washington Post/Univision poll, a fifth of Hispanic Republicans said they planned to vote for Trump during the Party’s primaries. That level of support has remained constant in states with a discernible Hispanic presence. According to entrance and exit polls, Trump got just under half of the admittedly few Hispanic Republican votes in Nevada and a quarter of them in Texas, surpassing Marco Rubio in both instances. Rubio won Florida’s Latino vote (seventeen per cent of all Republican voters) by a wide margin, but Trump’s backing among Hispanics remained at twenty-six per cent.
Given the fact that Trump has built his campaign around the recurrent disparagement of Mexicans and immigrants, his support among Hispanic Republicans has baffled well-known Latino voices in the United States and Mexico. In an interview with Jorge Ramos, former Mexican President Vicente Fox begged Trump’s Latino supporters to “open their eyes.” “I’d like to know who those Hispanics are,” Fox said, “because they are followers of a false prophet.” Fox is far from alone. Last month, in an open letter to the Latino community, twenty-two celebrities, led by the guitarist Carlos Santana, accused Republicans of turning their backs on Hispanics. “Latinos should understand that Donald Trump embodies the true face of the entire Republican Party,” they wrote. Something similar happened at the Latin Grammys, where the bands Los Tigres del Norte and Maná, both of whom are beloved by Latinos, displayed a banner that read “Latinos unite: don’t vote for the racists!” No prominent Hispanic has endorsed Donald Trump.
John Castillo and others like him beg to differ. Over several recent conversations, Castillo explained his support for Trump in meticulous detail. At times, he sounded like the many white voters who have been inspired by the candidate. He says he finds Trump relatable. “He speaks like a regular person,” Castillo says. “If I were running for President, that’s how I would talk.” He likes that Trump is not a politician. “I’m pretty much fed up with career politicians,” he says. Castillo believes Trump will manage to extricate the United States from unfair agreements, and he likes the idea of Trump imposing tariffs on imported goods. He firmly believes this will help “bring jobs back” Stateside. He also likes the fact that a number of “world leaders” have expressed concerns over a potential Trump Presidency: “He must be doing something right if the élite doesn’t want him.”
Still, Castillo knows that his Latino heritage and Donald Trump’s vow to deport eleven million undocumented immigrants might seem irreconcilable. “I do think about it often,” he admits. The dilemma is not exclusive to Castillo. Trump’s Hispanic supporters are often called “traitors” or worse on social media, which is why Castillo mostly refuses to talk politics anywhere but Twitter, where he does so anonymously. (He never posts anything on Facebook or LinkedIn, and at first refused to give me his full name for fear of repercussions.) He’s also concerned about how his views might be interpreted in the workplace: “They might fire me if they knew I like Trump.” Castillo bristles at the idea that he might be betraying his own people or his own family’s history. “I am not anti-Hispanic at all,” he says. “What I am is anti-breaking-the-law.” Castillo suggests a distinction: “People need to understand, illegal is not a race.” When I ask him about Trump’s plans for deporting millions of immigrants, he seems incredulous. He insists Trump is not anti-immigrant nor would he ultimately expel that staggering number of people from the country: “I think he will only deport some of the criminals,” he says. “And then the other criminals will self-deport.” In fact, Castillo doesn’t think Donald Trump is a racist at all: “If I did, I wouldn’t support him,” he adds emphatically.
When he’s not supporting Trump, Castillo obsesses over the gentrification of traditionally Hispanic areas in East Los Angeles. He’s bothered by the arrival of “rich,” young professionals to Lincoln Heights, where he grew up, and Highland Park, where he lives now. “I’m going to be honest,” he told me suddenly. “I hate the hipsters moving into our town. They’re pushing Latinos out of the area. I love my town. I love my people.” When I responded that plenty of those whom he wants to protect could potentially be deported en masse by President Trump (there are a million undocumented immigrants living in Los Angeles County, more than in any other county in the United States), Castillo rejected the idea that his views were contradictory. “I’d much rather live surrounded by my own people than any other,” he says, “but illegal is illegal.” And yet, there is a possibility that gives him pause: What if Trump keeps his word and rounds up Castillo’s friends and neighbors? “If he were to try that there would be riots and uprisings,” he says, blinking rapidly. “If he did that I would fight back.”
Still, John Castillo remains unapologetic: “I love my heritage,” he says, “I love this country with all my heart. I served it.” He says he lives for “God, family, and country.” For his Twitter profile picture, Castillo has chosen Uncle Sam, index finger pointing directly from the screen. The face, though, is Donald Trump’s.  Castillo will vote for him in California’s primary, on June 7th.

bernie protester cartoon


Director Clint Eastwood and Donald Trump! (2015)

2015

We know that Clint Eastwood is a true patriot who makes bold, pro-American films. “American Sniper” – the box office smash hit about NAVY Seal Chris Kyle – has been viewed by millions around the world.
Now, Clint Eastwood has shared his opinion on Donald Trump in a huge way. Not only does Eastwood support him, but he’s speaking on behalf of Trump in California, Arizona, and Nevada!
As was just reported
“I will be in California this weekend making a speech for Clint Eastwood,” Trump, who’s seeking the Republican nomination for President, tweeted on Wednesday.
“Then to Arizona and Vegas. Big crowds. Discussing illegals & more!”
A Trump campaign spokeswoman described the event with Eastwood as “private” and declined to disclose more details.
This is big news! Donald Trump has been under fire for rejecting political correctness and speaking the truth about the Obama-created illegal immigration problem.
Eastwood, who lives in California, is in a state which has been devastated by millions of illegals flooding in. They have committed countless crimes and spread disease. And that’s why Eastwood supports Trump!

Latest Poll Numbers

A new Reuters rolling poll shows Donald Trump nearing the magic 50 percent number among Republicans – at least among the Republicans Reuters asked.
No matter what his political opponents, enemies or the media throw in his way, Trump’s polling figures keep on rising.
Signed Pledge to support any of the republican candidates that win. But look at them now trying to throw him under the bus.


Protesters try to block access to Trump rally in Arizona, ahead of big primary in border state



Protesters in Arizona briefly blocked access to Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump’s rally Saturday morning in Arizona, kicking off a full day of campaign events in the border state, which holds key primaries Tuesday.
The protesters blocked a highway leading to Trump’s outdoor rally in Fountain Hills, Arizona, near Scottsdale, before sheriff's deputies removed them and towed their vehicles.
“We’re not going to let demonstrators intimidate this forum and this sheriff. Now we’re going to have a nice, nice rally for Donald Trump,” said Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio, who led the effort to remove the demonstrators and who has endorsed the GOP front-runner.
Arizona has long been ground-zero for the politically-charged illegal immigration debate, with roughly 368 miles of border with Mexico and more border fence than any other state.
Roughly 30 percent of Arizona’s population is Hispanic. And in 2010, the state passed one of the strictest anti-immigration laws in American history.
“So much crime and drugs passing through the border. You know what? We’re going to build a wall, and we’re going to stop it,” Trump said at the rally, returning to his early and oft-repeated campaign promise to build a wall along the southern border and have Mexico pay for it.
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Arpaio – the self-described “America’s toughest sheriff” – said at least 10,000 people were kept waiting in the Arizona heat for about an hour as a result of the roadblock, which resulted in three arrests.
Trump supporters and protesters exchanged words at the rally, but there were no initial reports of physical violence.
Trump, who early in his campaign visited the border, leads the GOP field in Arizona with 34 percent of the vote, followed by Texas Sen. Ted Cruz at 21 percent and Ohio Gov. John Kasich at 13 percent.
Trump held a larger rally later Saturday at the Phoenix Convention Center.
Trump said protesters at his rally are "taking away our First Amendment rights" and vowed to take the country back if he's elected president.
He called one protester at his Phoenix rally, who wore the Klu Klux Klan hood, "disgusting." Another group, carrying a "Black Lives Matter" sign were also kicked out.
The rallies and protest follow a local border patrol union of Friday supporting Trump.
 
Local 2544 said Trump asked for the endorsement and that officials responded by saying he is the only 2016 White House candidate to “publicly expressed his support” of the Border Patrol’s mission and it agents and that he has been “an outspoken candidate” on the need for a secure border.
However, Art Del Cueto, president of the Tucson-based union, made clear that he would adhere to the larger National Border Patrol Council’s practice of not endorsing presidential candidates.
The Supreme Court later upheld the most controversial part of Arizona’s 2010 law -- commonly referred to S.B. 1070 and that allows police to try to determine the immigration status of anybody arrested or detained if they have “reasonable suspicion” the suspect is in the U.S. illegally.
However, the law also sparked widespread opposition including businesses threatening to leave the state.
Trump and Cruz essentially call for those living illegally in the United States to return to their home country, while Democratic candidates Hillary Clinton and Sen. Bernie Sanders want to allow them to stay.
Several thousand miles away in New York, demonstrators also took to the streets to protest the Republican presidential hopeful.
The protesters gathered Saturday in Manhattan's Columbus Circle, across from Central Park, with a heavy police presence. Demonstrators chanted: "Donald Trump, go away, racist, sexist, anti-gay."
They marched across south Central Park to Trump Tower, the Fifth Avenue skyscraper where Trump lives. Then they marched back to Columbus Circle for a rally.

Petraeus gives closed-door testimony Saturday on Hill about Benghazi attacks



Retired Army Gen. David Petraeus is providing rare, Saturday testimony on Capitol Hill, talking privately with the Republican-led House committee investigating the fatal 2012 terror attacks in Benghazi, Libya.
Petraeus was the CIA director at the time of the attacks and is testifying for the second time before the chamber’s Select Committee on Benghazi .
He is expected to testify Saturday for three or four hours to “tie up loose ends” from his visit in early January, Fox News is told.
The Sept. 11, 2012, terror attacks on a U.S. outpost in Benghazi killed U.S. Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens, Foreign Service Officer Sean Smith and two CIA contractors.
The selected committee was formed in 2014 to investigate the attacks including whether the Obama administration failed to provide adequate security for the outpost, who committed the strikes and if officials tried to mislead the public by suggesting an online, anti-Muslim video sparked the attacks.
Then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who is now the 2016 Democratic presidential frontrunner, testified in October 2015 before the committee, which has so far interviewed at least 75 witnesses. She also tesified before Congress on the matter in 2013.
Democrats and others argue the committee’s interviews, subpoena requests and other, related activities are largely wasting millions in taxpayer dollars and is essentially election-season theater to hurt Clinton’s campaign.
One of the major sticking points in the Benghazi inquiry focuses on the public talking points that the CIA drafted, particularly the role then-Deputy CIA Director Mike Morell played in writing them.
Petraeus testified about the attack before the House Intelligence Committee in 2012, about two months after the Benghazi attacks and shortly after revelations about his extra-marital affair with biographer Paula Broadwell. Petraeus resigned from the agency in the aftermath of the affair.
No committee members are expected to attend the Saturday session, only its lawyers and staffers.

NFL says Georgia religious exemptions bill might cost Atlanta Super Bowl bid

Sept. 19, 2014: National Football League (NFL) Commissioner Roger Goodell speaks at a news conference to address domestic violence issues and the NFL's Personal Conduct Policy, in New York. (Reuters)
The NFL came out against a proposed religious exemptions bill in Georgia Friday, saying the deal could have an effect on the Super Bowl selection process for 2019 and 2020.
Atlanta is one of the finalists for the next two league title games to be awarded, along with New Orleans, Miami and Tampa. The city is considered a clear favorite because of its new retractable-roof stadium that is set to open next year. However, the religious exemptions bill could change all of that.
"NFL policies emphasize tolerance and inclusiveness, and prohibit discrimination based on age, gender, race, religion, sexual orientation, or any other improper standard," league spokesman Brian McCarthy said. "Whether the laws and regulations of a state and local community are consistent with these policies would be one of many factors NFL owners may use to evaluate potential Super Bowl host sites."
Falcons owner Arthur Blank has his sights set on Atlanta getting the Super Bowl for at least one of those years and because of that he also has come out against the bill that would protect opponents of same-sex marriage amid concerns it could lead to discrimination against gay, lesbian and transgender people.
Blank’s opposition follows a laundry list of business leaders who are strongly against it.
"I strongly believe a diverse, inclusive and welcoming Georgia is critical to our citizens and the millions of visitors coming to enjoy all that our great state has to offer," Blank said in a statement Friday. "House Bill 757 undermines these principles and would have long-lasting negative impact on our state and the people of Georgia."
The bill has passed both houses of the Georgia Legislature, but it still has yet to be signed by Republican Gov. Nathan Deal. According to the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Deal said he was “pleasantly surprised” that lawmakers had reached a compromise on the deal, which he had previously spoken out against.
“I have heard from both sides, and I’m sure I’ll continue to hear from both sides,” he said. “I will take their opinions into consideration, and I’ll do what I’m required to do: Which is to make the difficult decision on a very difficult subject.”
Georgia Baptist Mission Board executive director J. Robert White had previously urged lawmakers to pass the bill.
"All Georgia citizens, organizations and businesses need protection from adverse legislation that would infringe upon their religious beliefs regarding marriage, defined in the Bible as the union of one man and one woman," White said last month. "It is wrong to accuse persons of discrimination who live and conduct their businesses according to their deeply held religious beliefs."
Lt. Gov. Casey Cagle also supports the bill, saying it’s intended to protect faith-based organizations that provide social services from going out of business because of their opposition to gay marriage.
Deal said earlier this month that he’d veto any legislation that legalized discrimination. This bill would protect pastors from performing same-sex marriages and give “faith-based” organizations permission to deny use of their business for anything they find “objectionable. Businesses wouldn’t have to hire anyone whose religious beliefs are different from theirs, according to The Washington Post.
Deal said he would review the bill in April. The Post reported that several hundred businesses under the Georgia Prospers umbrella have urged the governor to veto the legislation. Some of the companies include Delta Air Lines, Google, Home Depot, Coca-Cola, Porsche and Wells Fargo.
"We are standing up for the principles of inclusion and fair treatment for every Georgia citizen and every visitor to Georgia," Joe Folz, vice president of Porsche Cars North America said in February. "Legislation that promotes - or even appears to allow - discrimination against certain classes of people hurts Georgia's hard-earned reputation."
This week, lawmakers also approved the elimination of $10 million in state sales taxes on Super Bowl tickets if Atlanta lands the game.
The city had hosted the game two times, in 1994 and 2000. Subsequent bids failed to gain approval, with the NFL saying the city would be in a much stronger position if it built a new stadium to replace the 24-year-old Georgia Dome.
Mercedes-Benz Stadium is going up next door to the Georgia Dome, which will be leveled after its replacement opens. The new $1.4 billion facility has already helped Atlanta land the college football championship game in 2018 and the NCAA Final Four in 2020.

As House speaker, Ryan gets unexpected task of leading unpredictable, 2016 GOP convention


“The wand chooses the wizard, Mr. Potter. It’s not always clear why” --Wand merchant Mr. Ollivander in “Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone”
All GOP House Speaker Paul Ryan wanted to do was lead the chamber’s Ways and Means Committee -- toil over the minutia of tax policy including inversions, corporate tax rate and arcane provisions in international trade agreements.
But the universe often stores very different plans for all of us, drafting us for roles we didn’t pursue.
Former House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, R-Va., was supposed to succeed then-House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio.
And then Cantor unexpectedly lost his June, 2014 primary to fellow Virginia Republican Dave Brat.
Then, House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., was in line to run the place once Boehner moved along.
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His bid for speaker imploded spectacularly.
And so after weeks of pandemonium and a strong lobbying effort, the House elected Ryan as speaker last October, though Ryan initially had no interest in the opportunity and resisted entreaties to clasp the speaker’s gavel.
Ryan’s has only served as speaker a short time. Yet an adjunct assignment attached to Ryan’s day job could very well etch his legacy in American political history.
The speaker’s position entails a moonlighting gig as chairman of the 2016 Republican Convention. And that convocation, in Cleveland, could prove to be the most-rambunctious American political event in decades.
Ryan said repeatedly he didn’t learn that the speaker leads the convention until “a week” after he assumed his current assignment.
So much for reading the fine print …
Boehner presided over the GOP convention in 2012 and as House minority leader in 2008.
Former House Speaker Dennis Hastert, R-Ill., chaired Republican conventions in 2000 and 2004. Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, R-Ga., led Republicans at their 1984, 1988 and 1992 assemblies.
Upon seizing the speaker’s gavel, Ryan thought his biggest challenge would be handling the fractious House Freedom Caucus, approving a budget or eventually reforming the tax code.
But the Cleveland convention could metastasize into an inferno. And it will fall to Ryan to spray foam on the embers to keep it from erupting.
“I think you’d have riots,” said GOP presidential frontrunner Donald Trump when asked if the nominating process devolves into a contested convention.
Ryan’s already called out Trump for his comments on immigration, Muslims and appearing to disavow white supremacist David Duke.
Ryan said he did “not believe” the furor would hit such a volume that he’d have to disavow Trump. But this week, the speaker chastened the GOP frontrunner yet again.
“Nobody should say such things,” said Ryan when asked about Trump’s civil unrest prediction. “To even address or hint (about) violence is unacceptable.”
So it falls to Ryan to keep order. Entertain and rule on parliamentary appeals. Consider amendment proposals governing the rules on the floor. Wrestle with delegate allocations. Perhaps the biggest challenge for Ryan will be to address such a potentially raucous scene in an unflappable manner that appears non-partisan and fair, even though various wings of the party may have daggers out for the speaker regardless what happens.
At a February 25 press conference, Ryan indicated he wanted to stay above the fray and not get embroiled in the melee. NBC’s Luke Russert asked if Ryan was studying Republican convention rules in anticipation of possible floor fights.
“I have not versed myself in it,” said the Wisconsin Republican. “I see this as more of a ceremonial role.”
But this week, Ryan changed that tune.
“I will obviously bone up on all the rules,” Ryan said. “My goal is to be dispassionate and to be ‘Switzerland.’ To be neutral and dispassionate. Make sure that the rule of law prevails and to make sure that the delegates make their decision however the rules require them to do that. I will acquaint myself with these things at the right time.”
Why the change?
“(There is) the perception that this is more likely to be an open convention that we thought before,” Ryan replied. “We’re getting our minds around the idea that (a contested convention) could very well become a reality. Therefore those of us who are involved in the convention need to respect that.”
At the convention, Ryan’s in charge of gaveling the sessions in and out.
Ryan would preside during the roll call for the presidential and vice presidential nominees. He’ll sign nominating documents. And the speaker must make decisions if key party leaders or delegations attempt to challenge rules, nominations or who’s seated. You name it.
Political conventions long ago shed their status as crucibles of democracy.
They’re now glorified, boozy trade shows. Capitol Hill interns and junior aides treat sneaking into convention parties and rock concerts as sport. There are fancy dinners. Certainly carousing. But the Cleveland convention could be a lot different.
There was disquiet as recently as the 2012 Republican convention in Tampa.
Presiding over the 2012 forum, John Boehner ignored howls from Texas delegates when they tried to challenge two rule changes.
Delegates argued the alterations harmed then-GOP presidential candidate Texas Rep. Ron Paul. Paul backers protested and demanded a revote as Boehner gaveled the rules package to passage via a voice vote. However, the din practically made it impossible for Boehner to judge whether the yeas or nays were louder.
A commotion then ensued on the floor with delegates chanting “point or order,” begging for recognition from Boehner.
Boehner turned and left the stage.
At another point, RNC Chairman Reince Priebus gaveled down an uprising from the Maine delegation. The party discovered an issue with the selection of delegates. Maine Republicans -- many of whom were committed to Paul -- weren’t seated at the convention.
They then rebelled, chanting “Seat Maine Now!”
There were threats of a floor fight. Some conventioneers described the process as “a railroad.”
Such an unscripted moment hadn’t unfolded at a political convention in years. One wonders how much “script” there will be in Cleveland. In a combustible political atmosphere like this, there will be trouble if the convention chairman and others make autocratic decisions and shut people out.
A rhubarb in Cleveland could very well make Ryan wish he was simply back on Capitol Hill, managing House affairs.
However, in this political cycle, the role of the speaker of the House could be problematic back in Washington, too.
Article II, Section 1, Clause 3 of the Constitution and the 12th Amendment set the ground rules for settling disputes in the Electoral College when selecting the president. The race for president is pitched into the House of Representatives if there’s a deadlock in the Electoral College with no candidate securing a majority of electoral votes.
Only twice has the House picked a president in a “contingent” election: 1800 and 1824.
Thomas Jefferson and John Quincy Adams were the beneficiaries of the House’s action, becoming president. In 1824, Andrew Jackson won the popular vote and the most Electoral College votes in the general election.
But Jackson didn’t earn a clear majority in the college among four major candidates. One of the candidates was House Speaker Henry Clay of Kentucky, who placed fourth.
Clay was clearly in charge when it came to the House.
Under the 12th Amendment, members of the House vote not as individuals but as state delegations. The candidate who secures the most state delegations becomes president.
It was argued that Clay engineered a pact to convince the state delegations to elect Adams over Jackson.
Adams then selected Clay to be secretary of State. Jackson found the entire scene revolting. He denounced Clay for orchestrating a “corrupt bargain” for the presidency.
Jackson then launched a four-year campaign aimed at taking out Adams. Jackson extracted his revenge in 1828, defeating Adams and becoming the first, true “outsider” president.
Sometimes House elections for president take a while. In the 1800 presidential race, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr tied with 73 electoral votes. The sitting president, John Adams, garnered 65 electoral votes.
The House -- meeting in what is now the office of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., in the Capitol -- voted for eight days to select a president. Jefferson finally defeated Burr on the 36th ballot. Then, in a bizarre twist, the House tapped Burr as Jefferson’s vice president.
Think tensions were high? Jefferson picked Alexander Hamilton to be his treasury Secretary. Burr later shot and killed Hamilton in their famous duel.
Consider that for a minute:
The vice president of the United States -- who almost became president of the United States -- shot and killed the Treasury secretary of the man who defeated him in the House election to determine who was president.
Who knows how this election will wind up. But Paul Ryan could sure have his hands full at the convention. Things usually disintegrate further if the election goes to the House of Representatives.
There was a lot of chatter about Ryan running for president this cycle.
As recently as Wednesday, Boehner advocated Republicans pick Ryan as its nominee if the party can’t conclude things on the first ballot in Cleveland.
“Let’s just put this thing to rest and move on,” said Ryan on Thursday. “I saw Boehner last night and I told him to knock it off.”
It’s unknown if Ryan will ever run for president let alone become president. But one thing is clear: the speaker has a major role to play in the process. These are things Ryan didn’t necessarily sign up for when he became speaker of the House.
Remember, this is the guy who just wanted to chair the Ways and Means Committee.
But, the wand chooses the wizard.

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