During the 2016 presidential campaign, Donald Trump
presented a revised version of U.S. foreign policy that was a departure
from the “New World Order” espoused by President George W. Bush and
modified by President Obama.
With the release of his
National Security Strategy
report this week, it is obvious that President Trump has a handle on
“realism” and a belief – justified in my view – that the world is an
increasingly dangerous place.
In naming China and Russia as disruptive forces on the
world stage, the president’s strategy notes that the two nations are
rivals that must be challenged – but not necessarily enemies that must
be defeated. That’s a distinction important for future tactics.
The report identifies Iran and North Korea as rogue
states clearly interested in regional destabilization. It also
identifies transnational threats such as jihadists and cyber warriors.
While these designations yield to the obvious, they
also depart from the Obama narrative that the arc of history is moving
inexorably toward stabilization.
Some critics of President Trump agree that there isn’t
an arc of history that assures U.S. dominance. That’s correct, but it is
wrong to argue that the Obama team didn’t employ this argument through
its continuing assertions such as “the tide of war is receding.”
Since the Obama foreign policy mission was
disengagement, President Obama underestimated the role unpleasant actors
might play in the vacuum he left behind.
President Trump’s newly stated national security
strategy is a clear corrective to that misguided vision. He puts the
threats we face in perspective, indicating his desire to marshal “our
will and capabilities” to compete and prevent unfavorable shifts in
various regions of the world.
In the past, it was conventional wisdom to contend that
China and Russia were invited into the global forums so that they would
be tied down by a rules-based order. But this did not happen and was a
further extension of Obama naiveté.
President Trump recognizes the return of “great power
competition” that belies ideological commitments. He embraces the view
of former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger regarding a world of
balance of power that relies on clearly viewed national interest.
President Trump’s assessment of Russia demonstrates
this point: “Russia aims to weaken U.S. influence in the world and
divide us from our allies and partners.” So much for friendly rhetoric.
From my point of view, the most newsworthy portion of
the report is the willingness of the Trump administration to “champion
American values” around the globe, including fair treatment for
religious minorities and “the dignity of individuals.”
Rather than hide behind the gilded belief that America
is widely detested, the president is sending out the message the U.S. is
an unequivocal defender of Western Civilization and has the inner
strength to defeat the dark impulses of totalitarianism.
President Trump is unquestionably a realist; yet there
is a decidedly romantic dimension to his vision as well. His leap away
from “perfection” to stability is one thing. On the other hand, the
president wants to win because he believes in American principles.
As a result, President Trump envisions our military
prowess and economic muscle as offering distinct advantages. These
conditions must be nurtured and cared for, but when competition emerges
our side should prevail.
America rose to the occasion when the Soviet Union
launched Sputnik, believing at that time that our “edge” was lost. But
we rose to new heights in our schools and factories. We accepted the
challenge and in a decade we had reacquired our national confidence.
That is the romantic side of the strategic story in this 68-page
document that sets the stage for the Trump doctrine.