MADISON,
Wis. (AP) — A divisive leader drove the opposition to extreme measures.
The political climate was toxic — with little civil debate or middle
ground. The clash ended in a high-risk political showdown that captured
the nation’s attention and shaped the next election.
This
was the 2012 battle to recall Republican Gov. Scott Walker, not the
2019 fight to impeach President Donald Trump. But for some who lived
through the former, the episodes have clear similarities and a warning
for Democrats about overreach and distraction.
“In
both cases, they thought just as they were upset about something,
everyone was,” Walker said, describing one of his takeaways from the
campaign that failed to remove him from office. “Just because your base
feels strongly about something doesn’t mean that the majority of other
voters do.”
Although
moderates declined to join liberals back then in voting to eject
Walker, Democrats warn against presuming they’ll break the same way for
Trump next year in Wisconsin, a state seen as pivotal in 2020.
Voters who were likely wary of undoing Walker’s election via a rare
recall face a simpler choice in whether to hand Trump a second term,
they say.
“People
may not like impeachment, simply because it adds to the drama of his
presidency, but that doesn’t mean they are on the fence or sympathetic
to Trump,” said Jon Erpenbach, a Democratic Wisconsin state senator.
The
Walker recall sprang from a law he signed just months into his first
term that effectively ended collective bargaining for most public
employees. Walker didn’t reveal his plan until after he was elected in
2010, and the move sparked massive protests that made Wisconsin the
center of a growing national fight over union rights.
Angry
activists gathered nearly a million signatures to force the recall.
Although Democrats had fought hard against the bill, with some state
senators even fleeing the state at one point to avoid a vote, they were
initially reluctant to embrace the recall for fear it would hurt
then-President Barack Obama’s reelection hopes in 2012.
The
recall became a proxy battle ahead of the presidential election, with
Democrats arguing that Walker unfairly targeted teachers, nurses and
other public employees to weaken the unions that traditionally supported
Democratic candidates. Walker argued that his proposal shouldn’t have
been a surprise since he campaigned on forcing public employees to pay
more for their benefits while capping how much they could bargain for in
raises. He also argued that it wasn’t proper to use the extraordinary
option of recall over a policy dispute.
Walker
ultimately won the recall election in June 2012, becoming a
conservative hero on his way to a short-lived run for president in 2015.
In a testament to Wisconsin’s political division, just five months
after Walker won the recall vote, Obama cruised to victory in Wisconsin
on his way to reelection.
Trump is accused
of improperly withholding U.S. military aid that Ukraine needed to
resist Russian aggression in exchange for Ukraine’s new president
investigating Trump political rival Joe Biden and his son. Trump has
argued that he was within his rights to ask Ukraine to look into
corruption and that impeachment is just an attempt by Democrats to
remove him from office.
Both
impeachment and attempting to recall governors from office are
exceedingly rare. Impeachment has only been leveled by the House against
two presidents, Andrew Johnson in 1868 and Bill Clinton 130 years
later. Richard Nixon was on the brink of it in 1974 before he resigned.
Walker was only the third governor in U.S. history to face a recall
election and the first to survive it.
The
rarity of the remedy may help explain why voters are reluctant to do
either one, said Charles Franklin, who has regularly surveyed voter
attitudes in Wisconsin for Marquette University.
A Marquette University Law School
poll conducted just as public impeachment hearings were beginning
earlier this month showed 53% of voters in Wisconsin were against
removing Trump for office, with just 40% in support. National polls have
shown a more even divide.
Even
more troubling for Wisconsin Democrats was that while 78% of Democrats
supported removing Trump through impeachment, 93% of Republicans were
against it. That stronger rallying behind the incumbent, with the other
side not as unified, parallels what was seen during the Walker recall,
Franklin said.
Walker
saw his support among independent voters go from about even six months
before the recall election to positive 16 points just before the
election. The latest Marquette poll also shows independents currently
breaking against impeachment, with 47% against and 36% in favor.
Mike
Tate, who was chairman of the state Democratic Party during the recall
and continues to work in the state as a consultant, cautioned against
making too much of where independents are on impeachment — and where
they may be next November. After the impeachment process runs its
course, Democrats will move on to talk about many other issues
throughout the presidential campaign, Tate said.
“Impeachment will be in the rearview mirror,” he said.
But
Stephan Thompson, who led the state GOP during the recalls and went on
to manage Walker’s successful 2014 reelection campaign, said impeachment
is “such a monumental event in history and politics” that it will hang
over Democrats the rest of the cycle and make it difficult for them to
bring moderate voters back to their side.
“When
the left pushes this hard and overreaches, it helps you band together
with people because you’re all in the foxhole together,” Thompson said.
“I think that’s something they don’t realize.”
Erpenbach,
the state senator, was among those who fled to Illinois for two weeks
to try to kill the anti-union bill. He argues that unlike the recall,
which was motivated by a policy disagreement, Congress was forced to
hold impeachment hearings because Trump is alleged to have violated the
Constitution.
Democrats
are taking a political chance, Erpenbach said, but they’re doing what
the Constitution requires, a key distinction from the recall.
“It worries me that it could backfire,” Erpenbach said, “but that’s not the point.”
___
Follow Scott Bauer on Twitter: https://twitter.com/sbauerAP
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