Conservatives are up in arms over the Justice Department’s refusal to name a special prosecutor in the IRS scandal.
And that’s basically how the media covered it, as an Eric Holder vs. Ted Cruz argument.
But there’s some important history here that helps explain why the
Obama administration is, in effect, able to investigate itself. And it’s
a debate that goes to the heart of public confidence in government.
The attorney general’s office disclosed its decision in a letter to
Cruz, saying the appointment is “not warranted” there is no “conflict of
interest” in the Justice Department pursuing the case. The letter said
the probe is being conducted by “career prosecutors and law-enforcement
professionals…without regard to politics.”
The Texas senator fired back that Holder’s department is abandoning a
“bipartisan tradition of the Department of Justice of putting rule of
law above political allegiance.”
So how can the administration be trusted with such a sensitive probe?
The reason Holder was able to make that decision goes back to Richard
Nixon and Bill Clinton.
Nixon was essentially pressured into allowing the appointment of a
Watergate special prosecutor after his attorney general resigned and he
needed Senate approval for a successor. The new AG, Elliott Richardson,
named Archibald Cox, who proved so aggressive that Nixon had fired him
(after Richardson and his deputy refused to do so and quit) in the
infamous Saturday Night Massacre.
Public sentiment toward special prosecutors was favorable after Cox’s
successor, Leon Jaworski, completed his work. Jimmy Carter pushed
through a 1978 ethics law that included a provision for naming more
neutral-sounding independent counsels. When allegations were made
against a range of top federal officials, the attorney general was
required to recommend such an appointment by a special three-judge
panel, unless a preliminary inquiry found the charges to be
“insubstantial.”
Ronald Reagan opposed extending the law, and it was narrowed in 1983.
But a spate of high-profile investigations -- against Carter aide
Hamilton Jordan, Reagan’s Labor secretary Ray Donovan, and Reagan’s
attorney general, Ed Meese -- resulted in no charges.
Along came independent counsel Lawrence Walsh, who launched the
$48-million Iran-contra investigation (into charges that money from U.S.
arms sales to Iran was improperly diverted to Nicaraguan rebels). Most
Republicans wound up hating the law, believing that Walsh had too much
unchecked power and was out of control.
After the Supreme Court upheld the law's constitutionality,
Republicans helped filibuster the law to death in 1992. But Clinton
signed a new version into law two years later -- and independent
counsels pursued several of his Cabinet members. After Ken Starr’s
investigation of the Whitewater land deal morphed into the Monica
Lewinsky investigation, Democrats hated the law as well. It expired in
1999 without much fuss from either party.
That means every administration now gets to make the call on whether
to call in an outside prosecutor not under Justice Department control.
When the IRS inspector general found improper targeting of
conservative groups in the Cincinnati office, Obama called the conduct
“inexcusable.” Last month, though, he told Bill O’Reilly there was not a
“smidgen of corruption” in the IRS.
The problem is the same one that gave birth to the post-Watergate
law. If Justice finds no higher-ups were involved in the IRS misconduct,
would that finding have credibility with the public? Would an outside
probe have more credibility, or spiral out of control?
With the independent counsel law dead and buried, we’re not likely to find out.
Nate Silver Gives GOP Nod
The data whiz who called President Obama’s election and has now moved to ESPN just gave the Republicans a favorable forecast for November.
Nate Silver says the GOP has a 60 percent chance of taking control of the Senate.
Howard
Kurtz is a Fox News analyst and the host of "MediaBuzz" (Sundays 11
a.m. and 5 p.m. ET). He is the author of five books and is based in
Washington.
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